保卫乌克兰，不只是在保护欧美，也是在守护中华传统！
— 泽连斯基守护乌克兰的行动就是最好的爱国主义教育！ (双语版)
As Ukraine's President, Zelensky simply chose not
to escape, but bravely fought back the anti-invasion war. It looks simple, but it is the hardest thing on this planet! Therefore, the simple action chosen by
Zelensky encourages millions of people
in Ukraine, and billions of people all over the world!
As a special contrast to the senior leader of Joe
Biden, Zelensky's unusual bravery and
full warrior spirit happens to be the most scarce culture in the top-rank
elites of America and Europe. On the
culture heritage perspective, Zelensky's extraordinary spirit has injected new
vitality into the entire European and American culture that was seriously corrupted
and partially festered, thus ushering in a new era! Compared with merchant-style
former President Donald Trump, Zelensky's unique words and deeds exhibit a better-disciplined
philosophical system and a higher wisdom on handling those sophisticated
secular affairs.
Therefore, Zelensky will produce more shocking impact on the history of
modern civilization in the 21st century!
守护国土，人人有责。说得简单，实际上非常不容易。作为乌克兰的总统，泽连斯基在危机来临时不逃避，只是以最简单的行为做表率，却产生了意外的效果，不断地激励数千万的乌克兰军民和数十亿的星球网民！
作为文艺界演员出身的乌克兰总统，在战争刚爆发时并不被人看好，很多人认为泽连斯基会像哈萨克斯坦的前总统那样因为贪污腐败，弃城而逃。当时，他给所有的欧盟国家领导人打电话，请求支援，没有人把他当真。但是，总统守护国土的最简单行为表率，激励了数千万的乌克兰军民。一场由克格勃策划的短期军事行动，本意只是把屠杀局限于特务系统的层面，最终因为普京过于贪婪，判断失误，局面失控。事态迅速扩大，战争扩展为波澜壮阔的乌克兰防御战，并升级为欧洲保卫战！
在信息高度发达的时代，欧美地区的数亿百姓懂得，乌克兰一旦失守，欧洲也将面临沉沦，因此，保卫乌克兰，就是保卫欧洲！
欧洲，尤其是英国与美国血脉相连。欧洲如果沦陷，美国也将面临巨大危险，所以，保卫乌克兰，也是保卫美利坚！
由此，遍布欧美的数亿网民自发行动，从和平时期的一盘散沙迅速凝聚为 自救互助 命运共同体！
那些政客都是老百姓选出来的，看到民意觉悟这么高，在群情激愤的时代潮流中，迅速改变态度，纷纷支持乌克兰，在行动和舆论层面都竭尽全力地支持泽连斯基！
这也是泽连斯基为何被选为时代周刊风云人物的根本原因。他们虽然不拥有先进的武器，但是泽连斯基敢于为国捐躯的勇气，已经远远超过了美国总统拜登！
这种勇气，在游戏泛滥的网络时代，对于广大网民，尤其是青少年们，也具有非常震撼的积极影响！
一些青少年在关于传承五四精神的文化领域找不到精神素材，泽连斯基的故事就是当代最好的
爱国主义题材教育。
也有网民认为，泽连斯基简洁而有力的行为，已经自动成为垂范天下的楷模，无须任何人再去给他进行额外的、“雷锋”式的歌功颂德。泽连斯基对21世纪文明的震撼影响，甚至将远远超过美国前总统川普。川普，作为商人出身的独特总统，一些自相矛盾的言语和行动已经给世人留下了非常广泛的争议。香港曾经爆发大规模的守护“一国两制”法治文明的“爱国”运动，但川普竟然随意污蔑那些热爱和平、文明抗争的老百姓为“暴民”骚乱，当时就遭到很多人的厌恶和反击。
川普过于任性、自相矛盾的哲学体系已经给 “普世价值”和“普世原则”造成了过于随意的扭曲和混乱，也正是那种混乱，导致后来支持川普的运动反而也遭到一些人的同样抹黑
— 譬如国会山游行是骚乱之类的特殊观点。
跟年迈无力的拜登相对应，泽连斯基的满腔热血正是欧美顶层精英非常缺乏的精神力量。从文化更新的角度看，泽连斯基的非凡气概给局部腐败溃烂的整个欧美文化注入了全新的活力，由此开启了一个新的时代！ 跟商人总统川普相比较，泽连斯基的独特言行彰显了更加严谨的世界观和哲学体系，因此，泽连斯基将在21世纪的文明史留下更深刻的历史烙印！
时代周刊的文章很务实，并没有把乌克兰人全部歌颂为“雷锋”，而是展示了现实的丑恶面。泽连斯基非常懂得类似儒家传统的原则 — 严于律己、宽以待人。以自身行为作表率，感召着亿万网民为正义而战！
部分摘录，如下：
泽连斯基曾对逃亡的官员甚至军官的数量感到震惊。他没有用威胁或最后通牒来回应。如果他们需要一些时间来疏散他们的家人，他允许了。然后他要求他们回到自己的岗位上。他们中的大多数人都这样做了。
在人种和肤色方面，中国和美国之间的关系，并不像英国和美国之间所具有的血脉相连的密切关联。但是在精神文化层面，美国文化高度尊重中华文明的“火药”所促发的“持枪权捍卫真理”的现代文明体系，这种精神也非常符合真正的儒家经典文化
— 孔子所倡导的“己所不欲、勿施于人”的传统自由理念。美国的开国元勋华盛顿、杰弗逊等先辈们认为，要确保孔子提倡的“己所不欲、勿施于人”的自由理念不会遭到践踏，就必须推行“持枪权捍卫真理”的基本原则，随后才有可持续发展的人类文明。数百年的现代文明历史，也证明了这一点。为了确保真正的儒家经典文化不会遭到践踏，“持枪权捍卫真理”的基本原则 被纳入美国宪法，成为最高的法治基本规范，也是最基本的现代文明要素！
所以，在精神文化层面，保卫乌克兰，不只是保卫欧洲、保卫美国，也是在守护有尚武精神的儒家经典文化
— 守护中华文明的悠久传统！
保卫乌克兰，保护欧美，守护中华！
现实生活中，不是所有的青少年都拥有强烈的意识，自觉地把中英文版本融合起来学习，以便更好地融合东西方的文化精华。但是，有30%左右的青少年还是更愿意积极学习，设法克服各种学习障碍，所以，双语版的内容，对于30%那部分学生，会有特殊的帮助！
基于时代周刊的内容，另外整理的 双语版的内容 在此附上。
泽连斯基 — 吸引世界关注的能力危及生死存亡!
原文的标题是：
泽连斯基的世界（Inside
Zelensky's World）
But he does not regret the choice he made, not even
with the hindsight of the war. “Not for a second,” he told me in the
presidential compound. He doesn’t know how the war will end, or how history
will describe his place in it. In this moment, he only knows Ukraine needs a
wartime President. And that is the role he intends to play.
他并不后悔自己做出的选择，即使在战后也不后悔。”一秒钟都没有。” 他在总统府大院里告 诉我。他不知道战争将如何结束，也不知道历史将如何描述他在战争中的地位。在这个时刻， 他只知道乌克兰需要一个战时总统。而这正是他打算扮演的角色。
时代周刊封面文章：泽连斯基的世界（Inside Zelensky’s World）
The full article of the original version is
forwarded here.
https://time.com/6171277/volodymyr-zelensky-interview-ukraine-war/
作者：西蒙•舒斯特/基辅
【该文透露了太多我们之前无从知晓，也从没有媒体报道过的内幕。他并不后悔自己做出的选 择，即使在战后也不后悔。”一秒钟都没有。” 他在总统府大院里告诉我。他不知道战争将如何 结束，也不知道历史将如何描述他在战争中的地位。在这个时刻，他只知道乌克兰需要一个战 时总统。而这正是他打算扮演的角色。】
The nights are the hardest, when he lies there on
his cot, the whine of the air-raid sirens in his ears and his phone still
buzzing beside him. Its screen makes his face look like a ghost in the dark,
his eyes scanning messages he didn’t have a chance to read during the day. Some
from his wife and kids, many from his advisers, a few from his troops,
surrounded in their bunkers, asking him again and again for more weapons to
break the Russian siege.
夜晚是最难熬的，当他躺在行军床上，耳边传来防空警报的呜呜声，他的手机还在旁边嗡嗡作 响。它的屏幕使他的脸在黑暗中看起来像一个幽灵，他的眼睛在扫描他白天没有机会阅读的信 息。一些来自他的妻子和孩子，许多来自他的顾问，一些来自他的部队，他们被围在掩体里，
Inside
his own bunker, the President has a habit of staring at his daily agenda even when
the day is over. He lies awake and wonders whether he missed something, forgot
someone. “It’s pointless,” Volodymyr Zelensky told me at the presidential
compound in Kyiv, just outside the office where he sometimes sleeps. “It’s the
same agenda. I see it’s over for today. But I look at it several times and
sense that something is wrong.” It’s not anxiety that keeps his eyes from
closing. “It’s my conscience bothering me.”
在他自己的地堡里，总统有一个习惯：即使一天结束了，也会花很多时间盯着他的日程。他躺 在床上，想知道他是否错过了什么，忘记了什么人。”这没有意义，” 弗拉基米尔泽连斯基在 基辅的总统府告诉我，就在他有时睡觉的办公室外面。”还是原来那些日程。我知道今天已经 结束了。但我还是看了好几遍，总感觉有些不对劲。” 让他的眼睛闭不上的并不是焦虑。”那是 我的良心在困扰我。”
The same thought keeps turning
over in his head: “I’ve let myself sleep, but now what? Something is happening
right now.” Somewhere in Ukraine the bombs are still falling. Civilians are
still trapped in basements or under the rubble. The Russians are still
committing crimes of war, rape, and torture. Their bombs are leveling entire
towns. The city of Mariupol and its last defenders are besieged. A critical
battle has started in the east. Amid all this, Zelensky, the comedian turned
President, still needs to keep the world engaged, and to convince foreign
leaders that his country needs their help right now, at any cost.
同样的想法在他的脑子里不断翻腾。”我想让自己去睡觉，但现在呢？有些事情正在发生。” 在 乌克兰的某个地方，炸弹仍在落下。平民仍然被困在地下室或废墟下。俄罗斯人仍在犯下战 争、强奸和酷刑的罪行。他们的炸弹正在炸平整个城镇。马里乌波尔市和它最后的守卫者被围 困。一场关键的战役已经在东部打响。在这一切背后，从喜剧演员转变为总统的泽连斯基仍然 需要让世界参与进来，并说服外国领导人，他的国家正需要他们的帮助，不惜一切代价。
Outside
Ukraine, Zelensky told me, “People see this war on Instagram, on social media.
When they get sick of it, they will scroll away.” It’s human nature. Horrors
have a way of making us close our eyes. “It’s a lot of blood,” he explains.
“It’s a lot of emotion.” Zelensky senses the world’s attention flagging, and it
troubles him nearly as much as the Russian bombs. Most nights, when he scans
his agenda, his list of tasks has less to do with the war itself than with the
way it is perceived. His mission is to make the free world experience this war
the way Ukraine does: as a matter of its own survival.
对于乌克兰境外的世界，泽连斯基告诉我：”人们在Instagram和社交媒体上围观这场战争。当 他们厌倦它时，他们就会迅速离去。” 这是人的本性。恐惧往往会让我们闭上眼睛。”到处都是 鲜血，” 他解释说。”随之而来的是恐惧的情绪”。泽连斯基感觉到世界的注意力在褪去，这让 他的烦恼几乎与俄罗斯的炸弹一样多。大多数晚上，当他扫视他的日程时，他的任务清单与战 争本身关系不大，而与人们对它的看法更有关。他的任务就是让自由世界以乌克兰的视角来体 验这场战争：这关乎着我们自己的生存。
He seems to be pulling it off. The U.S. and Europe have rushed to his
aid, providing more weapons to Ukraine than they have given any other country
since World War II. Thousands of journalists have come to Kyiv, filling the
inboxes of his staff with interview requests.
他似乎已经成功了。美国和欧洲急忙向他提供援助，向乌克兰提供的武器比二战以来向任何其
My
request was not just for a chance to question the President. It was to see the
war the way he and his team have experienced it. Over two weeks in April, they
allowed me to do that in the presidential compound on Bankova Street, to
observe their routines and hang around the offices where they now live and
work. Zelensky and his staff made the place feel almost normal. We cracked
jokes, drank coffee, waited for meetings to start or end. Only the soldiers,
our ever present chaperones, embodied the war as they took us around, shining
flashlights down dark corridors, past the rooms where they slept on the floor.
我的请求不仅仅是为了有机会向总统提问，而是为了以他和他的团队所经历的方式来看待这场 战争。在4月的两个星期里，他们允许我待在班科瓦街的总统府大院里，观察他们的日常工 作，并在他们现在生活和工作的办公室里闲逛。泽连斯基和他的工作人员让这个地方看上去依 然在正常运转。我们开着玩笑，喝着咖啡，等待着会议的开始或结束。只有那些士兵，也就是 我们的保卫者，才提示着战争，他们带着我们到处走，用手电筒照着黑暗的走廊，经过他们睡 在地板上的房间。
The experience illustrated how
much Zelensky has changed since we first met three years ago, backstage at his
comedy show in Kyiv, when he was still an actor running for President. His
sense of humor is still intact. “It’s a means of survival,” he says. But two
months of war have made him harder, quicker to anger, and a lot more
comfortable with risk. Russian troops came within minutes of finding him and
his family in the first hours of the war, their gunfire once audible inside his
office walls. Images of dead civilians haunt him. So do the daily appeals from
his troops, hundreds of whom are trapped belowground, running out of food,
water, and ammunition.
这一经历说明，自从三年前我们在基辅的喜剧表演后台第一次见面以来，泽连斯基发生了多大 的变化，当时他还是一个竞选总统的演员。他的幽默感仍未改变。他说：”那是让自己活下去 的一种方式。” 但这两个月的战争使他变得更加坚韧，更容易发怒，对危险也更加适应。在战 争的最初几个小时，俄罗斯军队在几分钟内就找到了他和他的家人，他们的枪声在他的办公室 墙内就可以听到。平民死亡的画面每天都在困扰着他。他的部队每天都在发出呼吁，其中数百 人被困在地下，食物、水和弹药都已耗尽。
This account of Zelensky at war is based on
interviews with him and nearly a dozen of his aides. Most of them were thrown
into this experience with no real preparation. Many of them, like Zelensky
himself, come from the worlds of acting and show business. Others were known in
Ukraine as bloggers and journalists before the war.
这篇关于战争中的泽连斯基的报道是基于对他和他的近十名助手的采访。他们中的大多数人都 是在没有真正准备的情况下被扔进这段经历。甚至他们中的许多人，像泽连斯基本人一样，也 来自娱乐圈和演艺界。而其他一些人在战前就以博客或记者的身份在乌克兰闻名。
On the day we last met—the 55th of the invasion—Zelensky announced the
start of a battle that could end the war. Russian forces had regrouped after
sustaining heavy losses around Kyiv, and they had begun a fresh assault in the
east. There, Zelensky says, the armies of one side or the other will likely be
destroyed. “This will be a full-scale battle, bigger than any we have seen on
the territory of Ukraine,” Zelensky told me on April 19. “If we hold out,” he
says, “it will be a decisive moment for us. The tipping point.”
在我们最后一次见面的那天——入侵的第55天——泽连斯基宣布一场可能将结束战争的战役开 始了。俄罗斯军队在基辅周围遭受重创后重新集结，他们开始在东部展开新的进攻。泽连斯基 说，在那里，一方或另一方的军队将可能被击败。”这将是一场全面战役，比我们在乌克兰领 土上看到的任何战役都要大，” 泽连斯基4月19日告诉我。”如果我们坚持下去，” 他说，”这将 是我们的一个决定性时刻，一个转折点”。
In the first weeks of the
invasion, when the Russian artillery was within striking distance of Kyiv,
Zelensky seldom waited for sunrise before calling his top general for a status
report. Their first call usually took place around 5 a.m., before the light
began peeking through the sandbags in the windows of the compound. Later they
moved the conversation back by a couple of hours, enough time for Zelensky to
have breakfast—invariably eggs— and to make his way to the presidential
chambers.
在入侵的头几个星期，当俄罗斯大炮进入基辅的打击范围时，泽连斯基很少等到日出后才给他 的高级将领打电话听取汇报。他们的通话往往是在早上5点左右，在光线开始透过大院窗户上 的沙袋窥视房间之前。后来，他们把谈话时间推迟了几个小时，这足以让泽连斯基吃一顿早餐
——通常是鸡蛋——并前往总统办公室。
This set of rooms changed
little after the invasion. It remained a cocoon of gold leaf and palatial
furniture that Zelensky’s staff find oppressive. (“At least if the place gets
bombed,” one of them joked, “we won’t have to look at this stuff anymore.”) But
the streets around the compound became a maze of checkpoints and barricades.
Civilian cars cannot get close, and soldiers ask pedestrians for secret
passwords that change daily, often nonsense phrases, like coffee cup suitor,
that would be hard for a Russian to pronounce.
入侵之后，这个房间几乎没有什么变化。它仍然是一个由金箔和宫殿式家具组成的密室，泽连 斯基的工作人员感到这里很压抑。(“至少如果这个地方被轰炸了，” 他们中的一个人开玩笑 说，”我们就不用再看这些东西了。” ) 大院周围的街道成了检查站和路障构成的迷宫。民用的 汽车无法靠近，士兵们要求进入的人输入密码，这些密码每天都在变化，往往是一些无意义的 短语，如”咖啡杯求婚者”，而且俄罗斯人一般很难念出来。
Beyond the
checkpoints is the government district, known as the Triangle, which Russian
forces tried to seize at the start of the invasion. When those first hours came
up in our interview, Zelensky warned me the memories exist “in a fragmented
way,” a disjointed set of images and sounds. Among the most vivid took place
before sunrise on Feb. 24, when he and his wife Olena Zelenska went to tell
their children the bombing had started, and to prepare them to flee their home.
Their daughter is 17 and their son is 9, both old enough to understand they
were in danger. “We woke them up,” Zelensky told me, his eyes turning inward.
“It was loud. There were explosions over there.”
检查站之外是政府区，被称为 “三角区”，俄罗斯军队在入侵之初曾试图夺取该区。当我们在采 访中提到最初的那几个小时，泽连斯基提醒我说，这些记忆是 “以碎片化的方式” 存在的，是 一组不连贯的图像和声音。其中最生动的是发生在2月24日的日出之前，当时他和妻子奥莱娜
泽连斯卡去告诉他们的孩子开始轰炸了，并让他们准备从家里逃走。他们的女儿17岁，儿子9 岁，都已长大到可以理解他们处于危险之中。”我们把他们叫醒了，”泽连斯基告诉我，他的眼 睛向上翻。”当时这里很嘈杂。那边还有爆炸声。”
It soon became clear the presidential offices were
not the safest place to be. The military informed Zelensky that Russian strike
teams had parachuted into Kyiv to kill or capture him and his family. “Before
that night, we had only ever seen such things in the movies,” says Andriy
Yermak, the President’s chief of staff.
很快，总统办公室显然已经不是最安全的地方。军方通知泽连斯基，俄军突击队已经空降到基 辅，要杀死或抓住他和他的家人。总统办公室主任安德里叶尔马克说：”在那晚之前，我们只 在电影中见过这种场面。”
As Ukrainian troops fought the
Russians back in the streets, the presidential guard tried to seal the compound
with whatever they could find. A gate at the rear entrance was blocked with a
pile of police barricades and plywood boards, resembling a mound of junkyard
scrap more than a fortification.
当乌克兰军队在街道上与俄罗斯人交战时，总统卫队试图用他们能找到的任何东西来封锁大 院。后门的一扇大门被一堆警用路障和胶合板挡住，更像一堆垃圾场的废品，而不是一个防御 工事。
Friends and allies rushed to
Zelensky’s side, sometimes in violation of security protocols. Several brought
their families to the compound. If the President were to be killed, the chain
of succession in Ukraine calls for the Speaker of parliament to take command.
But Ruslan Stefanchuk, who holds that post, drove straight to Bankova Street on
the morning of the invasion rather than taking shelter at a distance.
朋友和盟友们冲到泽连斯基身边，在过去这是违反安全协议的。一些人把他们的家人带到了院 子里。如果总统被杀，乌克兰的继任链条规定由议会议长接管大权。但在入侵的当天早上，担 任该职位的鲁斯兰·斯特凡丘克(Ruslan Stefanchuk)恰好驱车来到了班科瓦街(Bankova Street)，而不是躲在远处。
Stefanchuk was among the first to see the President in his office that
day. “It wasn’t fear on his face,” he told me. “It was a question: How could
this be?” For months Zelensky had downplayed warnings from Washington that
Russia was about to invade. Now he registered the fact that an all-out war had
broken out, but could not yet grasp the totality of what it meant. “Maybe these
words sound vague or pompous,” says Stefanchuk. “But we sensed the order of the
world collapsing.” Soon the Speaker rushed down the street to the parliament
and presided over a vote to impose martial law across the country. Zelensky
signed the decree that afternoon.
斯特凡丘克是当天最早在办公室见到总统的人之一。他告诉我，”他脸上没有出现恐惧，” 他 说。”而只有疑问：怎么会这样？” 几个月来，泽连斯基一直淡化来自华盛顿的关于俄罗斯即将 入侵的警告。现在，他意识到全面战争已经爆发的事实，但还是不能完全理解它意味着什 么。”也许这些话听起来很模糊或华而不实，” 斯特凡丘克说。”但我们感觉到世界的秩序正在 崩溃。” 很快，议长冲到街对面的议会大楼，主持了在全国实行戒严的投票。泽连斯基在当天 下午签署了该法令。
As night fell that first
evening, gunfights broke out around the government quarter. Guards inside the
compound shut the lights and brought bulletproof vests and assault rifles for
Zelensky and about a dozen of his aides. Only a few of them knew how to handle
the weapons. One was Oleksiy Arestovych, a veteran of Ukraine’s military
intelligence service. “It was an absolute madhouse,” he told me. “Automatics
for everyone.” Russian troops, he says, made two attempts to storm the
compound. Zelensky later told me that his wife and children were still there at
the time.
头天晚上，夜幕降临，政府区周围爆发了枪战。大院内的警卫关闭了灯光，为泽连斯基和他的 十几名助手带来了防弹衣和突击步枪。他们中只有少数人知道如何操作这些武器。其中一位是 乌克兰军事情报部门的老兵奥列克西阿雷斯托维奇（Oleksiy Arestovych）。他告诉我：”当 时的情况绝对疯狂。每个人手里都有自动武器。”
俄罗斯军队曾两次试图冲进院内。泽连斯基 后来告诉我，他的妻子和孩子当时仍在楼里。
Offers came in from American
and British forces to evacuate the President and his team. The idea was to help
them set up a government in exile, most likely in eastern Poland, that could
continue to lead from afar. None of Zelensky’s advisers recall him giving these
offers any serious consideration. Speaking on a secure landline with the
Americans, he responded with a zinger that made headlines around the world: “I
need ammunition, not a ride.”
美国和英国军方很快提出撤离总统和他的团队。他们的想法是帮助建立一个流亡政府，很可能 是在波兰东部，可以继续从远处进行领导。泽连斯基的顾问们都不记得他是否认真考虑过这些 提议。在与美国人的安全座机通话时，他用一句成为全世界头条新闻的风趣话来回应：”我需 要的是弹药，不是顺风车。”
“We thought that was brave,” says
a U.S. official briefed on the call. “But very risky.” Zelensky’s bodyguards
felt the same. They also urged him to leave the compound right away. Its
buildings are nestled in a densely populated neighborhood, surrounded by
private homes that could serve as nests for enemy snipers. Some houses are
close enough to throw a grenade through the window from across the street. “The
place was wide open,” says Arestovych. “We didn’t even have concrete blocks to
close the street.”
“我们觉得这个决定非常勇敢，” 一位了解谈话情况的美国官员说。”但也非常冒险。” 泽连斯 基的保镖们也有同样的感觉。他们还敦促他立即离开大楼。这座建筑坐落在一个人口密集的街 区，周围都是私人住宅，可能成为敌人狙击手的射击点。有些房子很近，可以直接从街对面的 窗户把手榴弹扔过来。”那个地方很开阔，” 阿雷斯托维奇说。”"我们甚至没有水泥石墩来封闭 街道。”
Somewhere
outside the capital, a secure bunker was waiting for the President, equipped to
withstand a lengthy siege. Zelensky refused to go there. Instead, on the second
night of the invasion, while Ukrainian forces were fighting the Russians in
nearby streets, the President decided to walk outside into the courtyard and
film a video message on his phone. “We’re all here,” Zelensky said after doing
a roll call of the officials by his side. They were dressed in the army green
T-shirts and jackets that would become their war-time uniforms. “Defending our
independence, our country.”
在首都以外的某个地方，有一个安全的地堡在等着总统，其装备可以抵御长时间的围困。泽连 斯基拒绝去那里。相反，在入侵的第二个晚上，当乌克兰军队在附近的街道上与俄罗斯人作战 时，总统决定走到外面的院子里，用手机拍摄一段视频信息。”我们都在这里，” 泽连斯基在对 他身边的官员做了快速的点名后说。他们身着军绿色T恤和夹克，这将成为他们战时的制 服。”捍卫我们的独立，捍卫我们的国家。”
By then, Zelensky understood
his role in this war. The eyes of his people and much of the world were fixed
on him. “You understand that they’re watching,” he says. “You’re a symbol. You
need to act the way the head of state must act.”
那时，泽连斯基已经明白自己在这场战争中扮演的角色。他的人民和世界上大部分人的眼睛都 盯着他。”你很明白，他们都在看，” 他说。”你就是一个象征。你需要以一个国家元首应该采 取的方式来行事。”
When he posted the 40-second
clip to Instagram on Feb. 25, the sense of unity it projected was a bit
misleading. Zelensky had been alarmed by the number of officials and even
military officers who had fled. He did not respond with threats or ultimatums.
If they needed some time to evacuate their families, he allowed it. Then he
asked them to come back to their posts. Most of them did.
当他在2月25日将这个40秒的片段发布到Instagram上时，它所投射的团结感甚至产生了一些
误导。泽连斯基曾对逃亡的官员甚至军官的数量感到震惊。他没有用威胁或最后通牒来回应。 如果他们需要一些时间来疏散他们的家人，他允许了。然后他要求他们回到自己的岗位上。他 们中的大多数人都这样做了。
Other people volunteered to
live in the bunkers of the presidential compound. Serhiy Leshchenko, a
prominent journalist and lawmaker, arrived a few days after the invasion to
help the team counter Russian disinformation. He had to sign a nondisclosure
agreement, forbidding him from sharing any details about the bunker’s design,
location, or amenities. All its inhabitants are bound by this pledge of
secrecy. They are not even allowed to talk about the food they eat down there.
还有一些人自愿住在总统府的地堡里。著名记者和议员谢尔盖莱先科（Serhiy Leshchenko） 在入侵几天后来到这里，帮助团队应对俄罗斯的虚假信息。他不得不签署一份保密协议，禁止 他分享有关地堡设计、位置或设施的任何细节。地堡中的所有居民都受到这一保密承诺的约 束。他们甚至被禁止谈论他们吃的食物。
Its isolation often forced Zelensky’s team to
experience the war through their screens, somewhat like the rest of us. Footage
of battles and rocket attacks tended to appear on social media before the
military could brief Zelensky on these events. It was typical for the President
and his staff to gather around a phone or laptop in the bunker, cursing images
of devastation or cheering a drone strike on a Russian tank.
这里的孤立性常常迫使泽连斯基的团队只能通过屏幕体验战争，有点像世界上的其他人们。战 斗和火箭弹袭击的画面往往在军方向泽连斯基介绍这些事件之前就出现在社交媒体上。典型的 情况是，总统和他的工作人员在掩体里围着一部手机或笔记本电脑，咒骂着己方失利的画面， 或为无人机袭击俄罗斯坦克而欢呼雀跃。
“This was a favorite,” Leshchenko told me, pulling up a
clip of a Russian helicopter getting blown out of the sky. Memes and viral
videos were a frequent source of levity, as were the war ballads that
Ukrainians wrote, recorded and posted online. One of them went like this:
莱先科告诉我：”这是我的收藏，”他调出了一架俄罗斯直升机在空中被炸飞的视频片段。网上 流传的段子和病毒视频是他们经常性的轻松来源，乌克兰人编写、录制并在网上发布的战争歌 谣也是如此。其中一首是这样的：
Look how our
people, how all Ukraine United the world against the Russians Soon all the
Russians, they’ll be gone And we’ll have peace in all the world.
看看我们的人民，整个乌克兰是如何联合世界对抗俄罗斯人的，很快所有的俄罗斯人都会消 失，我们将拥有全世界的和平。
It wasn’t long before Zelensky
insisted on going to see the action for himself. In early March, when the
Russians were still shelling Kyiv and trying to encircle the capital, the
President drove out of his compound in secret, accompanied by two of his
friends and a small team of bodyguards. “We made the decision to go on the
fly,” says Yermak, the chief of staff. There were no cameras with them. Some of
Zelensky’s closest aides only learned about the trip nearly two months later,
when he brought it up during our interview.
没过多久，泽连斯基就坚持要亲自去观看战斗。3月初，当俄国人仍在炮击基辅并试图包围首 都时，总统在他的两个朋友和一小队保镖的陪同下，秘密地开车离开了他的驻地。幕僚长叶尔 马克说：”我们做出了临时决定。” 他们没有带相机。泽连斯基的一些最亲密的助手在近两个月 后——他亲自在采访中确认了这一点——才知道这次旅行。
Heading north from Bankova
Street, the group went to a collapsed bridge that marked the front line at the
edge of the city. It was the first time Zelensky had seen the effects of the
fighting up close. He marveled at the size of a crater left by an explosion in
the road. When they stopped to talk to Ukrainian troops at a checkpoint,
Zelensky’s bodyguards, he says, “were losing their minds.” The President had no
pressing reason to be that close to the Russian positions. He says he just
wanted to have a look, and to talk to the people on the front lines.
从班科瓦街往北走，这群人来到了一座倒塌的桥上，这座桥标志着城市边缘的前沿阵地。这是 泽连斯基第一次近距离地看到战斗造成的影响。他对道路上爆炸留下的弹坑之大感到惊叹。当 泽连斯基停下来与检查站的乌克兰军队交谈时，”他们都要惊掉了下巴。总统没有迫切的理由 要离俄罗斯阵地那么近。” 他说，他只是想来看一看，并与前线的士兵们交谈。
A few days later, Zelensky
went on a ride that aides refer to as “the borscht trip.” At a checkpoint near
the edge of the city, the President met a man who would bring a fresh pot of
borscht for the troops every day. They stood there, within range of enemy
snipers and artillery, and had a bowl of soup with bread, talking about the
Soviet Union and what the Russians had become since its collapse. “He told me
how much he hated the Russians,” Zelensky recalls. Then the cook went to the
trunk of his car and pulled out some medals he had earned while serving in the
Soviet military. The conversation left a deep impression on Zelensky. “It felt
right,” says Yermak. “Just talking to the people we work for.”
几天后，泽连斯基进行了一次被助手们称为 “罗宋汤之旅” 的旅程。在靠近城市边缘的一个检 查站，总统遇到了一个人，他每天都会为部队带来一锅新鲜的罗宋汤。他们站在那里，在敌人 的狙击手和大炮的射程内，就着面包喝一碗浓汤，谈论着前苏联以及苏联解体后俄罗斯人的趣 事。泽连斯基回忆说：”他告诉我他有多么讨厌俄国人。然后这位厨师走到他的汽车后备箱， 拿出了他在苏联军队服役时获得的一些奖章。” 这次谈话给泽连斯基留下了深刻印象。”感觉不 错，” 叶尔马克说。”只是和我们所服务的人们谈谈。”
Such outings were rare. Though he received frequent
updates from his generals and gave them broad instructions, Zelensky did not
pretend to be a tactical savant. His Defense Minister was seldom by his side.
Nor were any of Ukraine’s top military commanders. “He lets them do the
fighting,” says Arestovych, his adviser on military affairs.
这样的外出活动很罕见。虽然他经常收到将军们的最新汇报，并反馈给他们宽泛的指示，但泽 连斯基并没有假装自己是一个军事专家。他的国防部长也很少在他身边。乌克兰的任何高级军 事指挥官都不在他身边。他的军事顾问阿雷斯托维奇说：”他让他们都去前线打仗”。
His
days were a succession of statements, meetings, and interviews, usually
conducted through the screen of a laptop or a phone. Courtesy calls took up
time, like one Zoom session with the actors Mila Kunis and Ashton Kutcher, who
had raised money for Ukraine through a GoFundMe campaign. Ahead of his nightly
address to the nation, Zelensky would set out themes in conversation with his
staff. “Very often people ask who is Zelensky’s speechwriter,” says Dasha
Zarivna, a communications adviser. “The main one is him,” she says. “He works
on every line.”
他的每一天基本都是一连串的发布会、会议和采访，通常通过笔记本电脑的屏幕或电话进行。 礼节性的电话占用了很多时间，比如与演员米拉库尼斯（Mila Kunis）和阿什顿库彻
（Ashton Kutcher）进行的一次扩大会议，他们通过GoFundMe活动为乌克兰筹款。在每晚向 全国发表例行讲话之前，泽连斯基会和他的工作人员一起设定讲话的主题。”经常有人问谁是 泽连斯基演讲的撰稿人，”公关顾问达莎扎里夫纳说。”主要就是他自己，” 她说。”他对每一 行字都很认真。”
Through March and
early April, Zelensky averaged about one speech per day, addressing venues as
diverse as the parliament of South Korea, the World Bank, and the Grammy
Awards. Each one was crafted with his audience in mind. When he spoke to the
U.S. Congress, he referenced Pearl Harbor and 9/11. The German parliament heard
him invoke the history of the Holocaust and the Berlin Wall.
整个3月和4月初，泽连斯基平均每天发表一次演讲，在韩国议会、世界银行和格莱美奖等不 同场合讲话。每一次演讲主题都是以他的听众为中心精心策划的。当他在美国国会发言时，他 提到了珍珠港和911事件。德国议会则听到他援引了大屠杀和柏林墙的历史。
The constant rush
of urgent tasks and small emergencies had a numbing effect on the team,
distending the passage of time in ways that one adviser describes as
hallucinogenic. Days would feel like hours, and hours like days. The fear
became acute only in the moments before sleep. “That’s when reality catches up
with you,” says Leshchenko. “That’s when you lay there and think about the
bombs.”
持续不断的紧急任务和小的紧急情况会让团队变得麻木，时间的流逝如一名顾问所说就像幻觉 一样。一天就像一小时，一小时又像一天。只有在睡觉前的几分钟，恐惧感才变得强烈起 来。”那就是现实追上你的时候，” 莱先科说。”就是你躺在那里，想到外面炸弹时。”
In early
April, the team began emerging much more often from the bunker. The Ukrainian
forces had driven the enemy back from the suburbs of Kyiv, and the Russians
were moving their forces to the battle for the east. On the 40th day of the
invasion, Zelensky made another trip outside the compound, this time with
cameras in tow. He rode that morning in a convoy of armored vehicles to Bucha,
a well-to-do commuter town where Russian troops had slaughtered hundreds of
civilians.
4月初，团队开始更频繁地从地堡里出来。乌克兰军队已经将敌人从基辅郊区赶了回去，而俄 罗斯人正在将他们的部队转移到东部的战役中。在入侵的第40天，泽连斯基再次走出院子， 这次他带着相机。那天早上，他乘坐装甲车队前往布查，一个曾经富裕的小镇，俄军在那里屠 杀了数百名平民。
The victim of a
mortar attack in Bucha lies in her kitchen on April 6 Maxim Dondyuk—Der Spiegel
Their bodies were
left scattered around town, Zelensky said, “found in barrels, basements,
strangled, tortured.” Nearly all had fatal gunshot wounds. Some had been lying
in the streets for days. As Zelensky and his team saw the atrocities up close,
their horror quickly turned to rage. “We wanted to call off all peace talks,”
says David Arakhamia, whom Zelensky had chosen to lead negotiations with the
Russians. “I could barely even look them in the face.”
泽连斯基说，他们的尸体散落在镇上，”在井里、地下室被发现，被勒死，被折磨”。几乎所有 人都有致命的枪伤。有些人已经在街上躺了好几天了。当泽连斯基和他的团队近距离看到这些 暴行时，他们的惊恐很快变成了愤怒。”我们想取消所有的和平谈判。” 戴维阿拉卡米亚说， 之前泽连斯基选定他来主持与俄罗斯人的谈判。”我根本无法再直视他们的脸。”
On April
8, while investigators were still exhuming mass graves in Bucha, Russian
missiles struck a train station in Kramatorsk, in eastern Ukraine. Thousands of
women, children, and elderly people had gathered with their luggage and their
pets, hoping to catch evacuation trains. The missiles killed at least 50 and injured
more than a hundred others. Several children lost limbs.
4月8日，当调查人员仍在挖掘布查的乱葬坑时，俄罗斯导弹击中了乌克兰东部克拉马托尔斯 克的一个火车站。成千上万的妇女、儿童和老人带着他们的行李和宠物聚集在一起，希望能赶 上撤离的火车。导弹造成至少50人死亡，另有100多人受伤。一些儿童失去了四肢。
Zelensky learned
about the attack through a series of photos taken at the scene and forwarded to
him that morning. One lingers in his mind. It showed a woman who had been
beheaded by the explosion. “She was wearing these bright, memorable clothes,”
he says. He could not shake the image that afternoon, when he walked into one
of the most important meetings of his career. Ursula von der Leyen, the top
official in the E.U., had traveled to Kyiv by train to offer Ukraine a fast
track to membership. The country had been waiting for this opportunity for
decades. But when the moment finally came, the President could not stop
thinking about that headless woman on the ground.
泽连斯基通过一系列在现场拍摄并在上午转发给他的照片了解了这次袭击。其中一张在他脑海 中挥之不去。它显示了一个被爆炸斩首的女人。他说：”她穿着一身明亮的、令人难忘的衣 服。”
那天下午，当他走进他职业生涯中最重要的会议之一时，他仍无法摆脱这个画面。欧盟 最高官员乌苏拉冯德莱恩(Ursula von der Leyen)乘火车来到基辅，为乌克兰提供加入欧盟的 快速通道。这个国家几十年来一直在等待这个机会。但当这一时刻终于到来时，总统无法停止 回忆火车站地上的那个无头女子。
As he took the
podium next to von der Leyen, his face was a shade of green and his usual gift
for oratory failed him. He could not even muster the presence of mind to mention
the missile attack in his remarks. “It was one of those times when your arms
and legs are doing one thing, but your head does not listen,” he later told me.
“Because your head is there at the station, and you need to be present here.”
当他站在冯德莱恩旁边的讲台上时，他的脸色苍白，他一贯的演说天赋让他有些发挥失常。他 甚至无法在发言中提到导弹袭击。他后来告诉我：”那是一种你的手脚在做一件事，但你的脑 袋却不听使唤的时刻。因为你的大脑在车站那儿，而你却需要出现在这里。”
In
the village of Mala Rohan, mourners attend the funeral of Artur Shchukin, who
died March 25 Maxim Dondyuk—Der Spiegel
在玛拉罗汉村，哀悼者参加了 3 月 25 日去世的 Artur Shchukin
的葬礼
The visit was the
first in a parade of European leaders who began coming to Kyiv in April.
Smartphones were not allowed inside the compound during these visits. A large
cluster of phone signals, all transmitting from one place, could allow an enemy
surveillance drone to pinpoint the location of the gathering. “And then:
kaboom,” one guard explained, tracing the arc of a rocket with his hand.
这次访问是欧洲领导人们在4月开始到基辅的连串访问中的第一次。在这些访问期间，大院内 不允许使用智能手机。因为一大群电话信号，全部从一个地方发射，可以让敌人的侦察机确定 聚集的位置。然后：”砰！”，一名警卫解释说，他用手描画了一个火箭的弧线。
Zelensky and his team still spent most nights and
held some meetings in bunkers underneath the compound. But the Russian retreat
allowed them to work in their usual rooms, which looked a lot like they did
before the war. One obvious difference was the darkness. Many of the windows
were covered with sandbags. Lights were switched off to make it harder for
enemy snipers. Other precautions made no apparent sense. Guards had ripped the
lights out of an elevator leading up to the executive offices. A tangle of
wires protruded from the holes where they had been, and Zelensky’s aides rode
up and down in the dark. Nobody remembered why.
泽连斯基和他的团队仍然在大院地下的掩体中度过大多数夜晚并举行一些会议。但俄罗斯人的 撤退使他们能够在自己的常规房间里工作，这些房间看起来很像战前的样子。但一个明显的区 别是黑暗。许多窗户都用沙袋遮挡。灯被关掉了，以便让敌人的狙击手更难下手。而其他预防 措施并没有明显的意义。警卫把通往行政办公室的电梯的灯扯掉了。一堆电线从原来的洞里伸 出来，泽连斯基的助手们就在黑暗中上上下下。没有人记得为什么。
On days when I came to the compound alone, the mood
was more relaxed. Custodians dusted the cabinets and put fresh lining in
wastebaskets. The first time it surprised me to find the metal detector and
X-ray machine unplugged at the entrance while a janitor worked around them with
a mop. Later it felt normal for a tired guard to glance in my bag and let me through.
在我独自来到大院的日子里，气氛变得更加轻松。保洁员在柜子里打扫灰尘，在垃圾桶里放上 新的垃圾袋。第一次，我惊讶地发现入口处的金属探测器和X光机的电源被拔掉了，而一个清 洁工正拿着拖把在它们周围工作。后来，一个疲惫的警卫在我的包里扫了一眼，让我通过，感 觉一切都很寻常。
Upstairs
the war began to feel far away. Mykhailo Podolyak, one of a quartet of the
President’s closest advisers, declined to barricade the windows in his office.
He didn’t even close the drapes. When he invited me to meet him one day in
April, the room was easy to find, because his nameplate was still on the door.
“We go downstairs when we hear the air-raid sirens,” he explained with a shrug,
referring to the bunker. “But this is my office. I like it here.”
在楼上，战争开始让人感觉遥远。米哈伊洛波多利亚克是总统最亲密的四位顾问之一，他拒 绝封闭办公室的窗户。他甚至都没有拉上窗帘。4月的一天，当他邀请我去见他时，房间很好 找，因为他的铭牌还在门上。”我们听到防空警报就会下楼，”他耸耸肩解释说，指的是掩 体。”但这是我的办公室。我喜欢这里。”
Such
faith in Kyiv’s air defenses seems like a coping mechanism, the offspring of
defiance and denial. There is no way to stop the type of hyper-sonic missiles
that Russia has deployed against Ukraine. The Kinzhal—the name means dagger in
Russian—can travel at more than five times the speed of sound while zigzagging
to avoid interceptors. It can also carry one of Russia’s nuclear warheads. But
Podolyak sees no point in dwelling on this information. “The strike is coming,”
he told me. “They’ll hit us here, and it’ll all be ruins.” There was no fear in
his voice as he said this. “What can we do?” he asked. “We’ve got to keep
working.”
这种对基辅防空系统的信任似乎是一种适应机制，是反抗与否认的结合。没有办法阻止俄罗斯 针对乌克兰部署的那种高超音速导弹。Kinzhal在俄语中的意思是”匕首”，它能以超过五倍音 速的速度飞行，并能迂回曲折地避开拦截。它还可以携带一枚俄罗斯的核弹头。但是波多利亚 克认为没有必要纠结于这些信息。”袭击是家常便饭，”他告诉我。”他们肯定会袭击这里，这 里会变成一片废墟。”他说这话时，声音里没有恐惧。”可我们还能怎样?”他问道。”我们必须 继续工作。”
The fatalism functioned as an organizing principle.
Some crude precautions—barricaded gates, bulletproof vests—had felt necessary
during the war’s opening stage. Later, when there was no longer a risk of
Russian commandos bursting through the doors, Zelensky’s team understood that
such defenses were ultimately futile. They were facing an invader with a
nuclear arsenal. They had decided not to run. What was the point of hiding?
宿命论作为一个组织原则在发挥作用。在战争的开始阶段，一些粗略的预防措施——如设置路 障的大门、防弹背心——也许是必要的。后来，当不再有俄罗斯突击队冲进大门的风险时，泽 连斯基的团队明白，这种防御措施最终都是徒劳的。他们面对的是一个拥有核武库的入侵者。 他们已经决定不躲避了。躲避的意义何在？
Zelensky now works most often
in the compound’s Situation Room, which is neither belowground nor fortified.
It is a windowless boardroom with one embellishment: a trident, the state
symbol of Ukraine, glowing on the wall behind Zelensky’s chair. Large screens
run along the other walls, and a camera faces the President from the center of
the conference table. At around 9 a.m. on April 19, the faces of his generals
and intelligence chiefs filled the screens in front of Zelensky.
泽连斯基现在最常在大院的简报室工作，那里既不在地下，也没有防御设施。这是一间没有窗 户的会议室，只有一个点缀：泽连斯基椅子后面的墙上挂着一把乌克兰的国家象征——三叉 戟，熠熠生辉。大屏幕沿着墙壁排列，一台摄像机从会议桌的中央面向总统。4月19日上午9 点左右，泽连斯基面前的屏幕上出现了他的将军和情报主管的面孔。
Overnight, the President had
given a video address to the nation, announcing the start of the battle for
eastern Ukraine. Now he wanted to hear where the fighting was most intense,
where his troops had retreated, who had deserted, what help they needed, and
where they had managed to advance. “At certain points in the east, it’s just
insane,” he told me later that day, summarizing the generals’ briefing. “Really
horrible in terms of the frequency of the strikes, the heavy artillery fire,
and the losses.”
那天晚上，总统向全国发表了视频讲话，宣布乌克兰东部的战役开始。现在他想听听哪里的战 斗最激烈，他的部队在哪里撤退，谁开了小差，他们需要什么帮助，以及他们在哪里成功推 进。”在东部的某些地方，那里简直疯了，” 那天晚些时候，他总结了将军们的简报后告诉 我。”从打击的频率、重炮射击和损失来看，真的非常可怕。”
For over a month, Zelensky had
been texting with two Ukrainian commanders. They were the last defenders of
Mariupol, a city of half a million people that the Russians encircled at the
start of the invasion. A small force is still holding out inside an enormous
steel factory. One of their leaders, Major Serhiy Volynsky of the 36th Separate
Marine Brigade, had been in touch with Zelensky for weeks. “We know each other
well by now,” Zelensky told me. Most days they call or text each other,
sometimes in the middle of the night. Early on, the soldier sent the President
a selfie they had taken together long before the invasion. “We’re even
embracing there, like friends,” he says.
一个多月来，泽连斯基一直在与两名乌克兰指挥官发短信。他们是马里乌波尔的最后守卫者， 这座拥有50万人口的城市在入侵之初就被俄罗斯人包围了。一支小部队仍在一个巨大的钢铁 厂内坚守。他们的指挥官之一，第36独立海军陆战队旅的谢尔盖沃林斯基少校，已经与泽连 斯基联系了几个星期。泽连斯基告诉我，”我们现在已经很熟悉对方了。” 大多数日子里，他们 互相打电话或发短信，有时甚至在半夜。早些时候，这位士兵给总统发了一张他们在很久以前 合影的自拍照。”我们互相挎着肩，像朋友一样，”他说。
The Russian assault
on Mariupol has decimated the brigade. Zelensky told me about 200 of its troops
have survived. Before they found shelter and supplies inside the steel factory,
they had run out of food, water, and ammunition.“They had it very hard,”
Zelensky says. “We tried to support each other.”
俄罗斯对马里乌波尔的攻击使该旅损失惨重。泽连斯基告诉我，部队中大约只有200人幸存了 下来。他们在钢铁厂内找到庇护所和补给品之前，他们已经耗尽了食物、水和弹药。”他们过 得非常艰难，”泽连斯基说。”我们尽力相互支持”。
But there was little Zelensky
could do on his own. Ukraine does not have enough heavy weaponry to break
through the encirclement of Mariupol. Across the east, the Russian forces have
clear advantages. “They outnumber us by several times,” says Yermak.
但泽连斯基能做的事情很少。乌克兰没有足够的重型武器来突破对马里乌波尔的包围。在整个 东部地区，俄罗斯部队有着明显的军力优势。叶尔马克说：”他们的人数比我们多几倍。”
In almost every conversation with foreign leaders,
Zelensky asks for weapons that could help level the odds. Some countries, like
the U.S., the U.K., and the Netherlands, have agreed to provide them. Others
wavered, most critically the Germans. “With the Germans the situation is really
difficult,” Zelensky says. “They are acting as though they do not want to lose
their relationship with Russia.” Germany relies on Russia for a lot of its
natural gas supplies. “It’s their German pragmatism,” says Zelensky. “But it
costs us a lot.”
在几乎每一次与外国领导人的谈话中，泽连斯基都会要求提供可以帮助扭转战局的武器。一些 国家，如美国、英国和荷兰，已经同意提供这些武器。其他人则摇摆不定，最关键的是德国。 泽连斯基说：”对德国人来说，局面真的很困难。” 他们表现得似乎不想失去与俄罗斯的关系。 德国的天然气供应主要都依赖于俄罗斯。”这是他们德国人一贯的实用主义，” 泽连斯基
说。”但这让我们付出了巨大的代价。”
Ukraine
has made its frustration clear. In the middle of April, German President
Frank-Walter Steinmeier was already on his way to visit Kyiv when Zelensky’s
team asked him not to come.
乌克兰已经明确表达了它的沮丧。4月中旬，当泽连斯基的团队婉言谢绝德国总统施泰因迈尔 时，他已经在前来访问基辅的路上了。
At times the President’s
bluntness can feel like an affront, as when he told the U.N. Security Council
that it should consider dissolving itself. Olaf Scholz, the German Chancellor,
told me he would have appreciated if Steinmeier had been invited to Kyiv “as
what he is, a friend.” But Zelensky has learned that friendly requests will not
get Ukraine the weapons it needs. That is how Zelensky understands his core
responsibility. Not as a military strategist empowered to move battalions
around a map, but as a communicator, a living symbol of the state, whose
ability to grab and hold the world’s attention will help determine whether his
nation lives or dies.
有时，总统的直言不讳会让人觉得是一种羞辱，就像他对联合国安理会说，安理会应该考虑解 散自己。德国总理奥拉夫肖尔茨(Olaf Scholz)告诉我，如果施泰因迈尔被邀请到基辅，他将 会非常感激，”因为他是一个朋友”。但泽连斯基已经知道，即使是友好的请求也不会让乌克兰 得到它所需要的武器。这就是泽连斯基对其核心责任的理解。他不是一个有权在地图上调动部 队的军事战略家，而是一个沟通者，一个活生生的国家象征，他吸引和保持世界关注的能力将 会影响他的国家的生死存亡。
Zelensky
addressing the Portuguese parliament via videoconference on April 21 Patricia De Melo Moreira—AFP/Getty Images
泽连斯基于 4 月 21 日通过视频会议向葡萄牙议会发表讲话
His aides are
keenly aware of that mission, and some give Zelensky mixed reviews. “Sometimes
he slips into the role and starts to talk like an actor playing the President,”
says Arestovych, who was himself a theater actor in Kyiv for many years. “I
don’t think that helps us.” It is only when Zelensky is exhausted, he says,
that the mask comes off. “When he is tired, he cannot act. He can only speak his
mind,” Arestovych told me. “When he is himself, he makes the greatest
impression as a man of integrity and humanity.”
他的助手们敏锐地意识到这一使命，一些人对泽连斯基的评价不一。阿列斯多维奇说：”有时 他会进入角色，开始像演员扮演总统一样说话，”
他本人曾在基辅当过多年的戏剧演员。”我认 为这其实对我们没有帮助”。他说，只有当泽连斯基筋疲力尽时，面具才会卸下。”当他累了的 时候，他无法再演戏。他只能说出他的真实想法，” 阿雷斯托维奇告诉我。”当他是自己的时 候，他给人留下的最大印象是一个正直和有人性的人。”
Perhaps it was lucky for me to
meet the President toward the end of a very long day. Nearly two months into
the invasion, he had changed. There were new creases in his face, and he no longer
searched the room for his advisers when considering an answer to a question.
“I’ve gotten older,” he admitted. “I’ve aged from all this wisdom that I never
wanted. It’s the wisdom tied to the number of people who have died, and the
torture the Russian soldiers perpetrated. That kind of wisdom,” he added,
trailing off. “To be honest, I never had the goal of attaining knowledge like
that.”
也许对我来说，在漫长的一天即将结束时见到总统是件幸运的事。入侵近两个月来，他已经变 了。他的脸上出现了新的皱纹，在考虑问题的答案时，他不再在房间里寻找他的顾问了。”我
变老了，”他承认。”我已经从所有这些我从未想要的智慧中老去。这是与死亡人数和俄罗斯士 兵实施的酷刑相联系的智慧，某种特别的智慧。” 他补充说，并拖长了声音。”说实话，我从没 有计划过要学习那样的知识。”
It made me wonder whether he regretted the choice
he made three years ago, around the time we first met. His comedy show had been
a hit. Standing in his dressing room, he was still glowing from the admiration
of the crowd. Friends waited backstage to start the after-party. Fans gathered
outside to take a picture with him. This was just three months into his run for
the presidency, when it was not too late for Zelensky to turn back.
这让我怀疑他是否对三年前的选择感到后悔，就在我们第一次见面的时候。他的喜剧表演曾大 受欢迎。站在他的更衣室里，他仍然因观众的赞叹而容光焕发。朋友们在后台等着开派对。粉 丝们聚集在外面等着与他合影。这只是他开始竞选总统的第三个月，当时泽连斯基想回头还来 得及。
But he does not regret the choice he made, not even
with the hindsight of the war. “Not for a second,” he told me in the
presidential compound. He doesn’t know how the war will end, or how history
will describe his place in it. In this moment, he only knows Ukraine needs a
wartime President. And that is the role he intends to play.
但他并不后悔自己做出的选择，即使在战后也不后悔。”一秒钟都没有。” 他在总统府大院里告 诉我。他不知道战争将如何结束，也不知道历史将如何描述他在战争中的地位。在这个时刻， 他只知道乌克兰需要一个战时总统。而这正是他打算扮演的角色。
—With reporting by Nik Poli/ Washington and Simmone
Shah/ New York
作者：西蒙•舒斯特/基辅
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